In the Himalayan and Central Asian regions associated with Northern Buddhism—especially Tibet, Bhutan, Nepal, and parts of Mongolia—women’s roles in Buddhist life have evolved within distinctive cultural, social, and spiritual frameworks. Although full monastic ordination for women was historically limited in these regions, women have often enjoyed considerable social autonomy, and several have emerged as respected spiritual leaders, saints, and reincarnate teachers.
In Tibetan society, women traditionally had more freedom than in many neighboring cultures. A 1940s Chinese anthropologist even suggested that China could learn from the relative independence of Tibetan women, who could inherit property, manage family estates, and enter or leave marriages without requiring male permission. Marriages were flexible, often arranged for economic or social reasons, and included practices such as polyandry, where one woman married multiple brothers to prevent family estates from fragmenting. In some situations, women’s authority in the household was fully recognized .
Despite this social openness, full bhikṣuṇī ordination was never formally established in the Tibetan tradition. Attempts in the 12th century to introduce it did not gain widespread acceptance. Instead, women who pursued religious life were ordained as novices (śrāmaṇerikās) or followed a modified set of 36 precepts, far fewer than the 311 observed by fully ordained bhikṣuṇīs in other traditions .
Nonetheless, Tibetan Buddhism has produced renowned female practitioners and saints, particularly outside the dominant Gelug school. One of the most revered figures is Machig Labdrön (11th century), the founder of the Chöd practice, which integrated compassion, non-duality, and courage into a unique spiritual path. Another notable line is that of Dorje Phagmo, considered a reincarnate lama and one of the highest female tulkus in Tibet, with a lineage spanning centuries.
Women have also been recognized as incarnations of female deities or manifestations of female Bodhisattvas, contributing to spiritual life through teaching, visionary experience, and silent meditation. Their spiritual authority, though less institutionalized than that of male lamas, has been deeply respected within many communities.
In Bhutan and Ladakh, women have long held economic and social power within households and local economies. In Ladakh, for instance, women traditionally controlled household decisions and finances, and Buddhist festivals and rituals saw high female participation. Many served as lay practitioners deeply engaged in ritual and meditation, supporting the monastic community through generous patronage and domestic labor.
In modern times, Tibetan women have become active in political and cultural resistance, especially in exile communities. Laywomen have organized protests, established schools, and become cultural custodians, preserving Buddhist traditions amid displacement and hardship.
Although institutional equality remains elusive, recent decades have seen growing efforts to introduce full bhikṣuṇī ordination into Tibetan Buddhism, often through collaboration with Chinese or Taiwanese Mahāyāna lineages. Younger generations of female practitioners are now entering monastic training programs, receiving advanced education, and becoming public teachers.
In conclusion, the lands of Northern Buddhism present a fascinating paradox: despite the absence of formal ordination structures, Tibetan and Himalayan women have long exercised spiritual, social, and even political power within their communities. Their contributions continue to challenge and inspire broader conversations about gender, authority, and awakening in the Buddhist world.